25 Ocak 2014 Cumartesi

BABEL DES DIEUX VIVANTS DANS L' ÉPÉE QUE EST PLUS FORTE QUE LA PLUME - L'EGIPTE SANS POMME FRITE

Ballade de Bon Conseil

François Villon


Hommes faillis, bertaudés de raison,
Dénaturés et hors de connoissance,
Démis du sens, comblés de déraison,
Fous abusés, pleins de déconnoissance,
Qui procurez contre votre naissance,
Vous soumettant à détestable mort
Par lâcheté, las ! que ne vous remord
L'horribleté qui à honte vous mène ?
Voyez comment maint jeunes homs est mort
Par offenser et prendre autrui demaine.

Chacun en soi voie sa méprison,
Ne nous vengeons, prenons en patience ;
Nous connoissons que ce monde est prison
Aux vertueux franchis d'impatience ;
Battre, rouiller pour ce n'est pas science,
Tollir, ravir, piller, meurtrir à tort.
De Dieu ne chaut, trop de verté se tort
Qui en tels faits sa jeunesse démène,
Dont à la fin ses poings doloreux tord
Par offenser et prendre autrui demaine.

Que vaut piper, flatter, rire en traison,
Quêter, mentir, affirmer sans fiance,
Farcer, tromper, artifier poison,
Vivre en péché, dormir en défiance
De son prouchain sans avoir confiance ?
Pour ce conclus : de bien faisons effort,
Reprenons coeur, ayons en Dieu confort,
Nous n'avons jour certain en la semaine ;
De nos maux ont nos parents le ressort
Par offenser et prendre autrui demaine.

Vivons en paix, exterminons discord ;
Ieunes et vieux, soyons tous d'un accord :
La loi le veut, l'apôtre le ramène
Licitement en l'épître romaine ;
Ordre nous faut, état ou aucun port.
Notons ces points ; ne laissons le vrai port
Par offenser et prendre autrui demaine.

18 Ocak 2014 Cumartesi

THE FANCY BUOYANCY OF WAR IS ON BOYS....THE PARADOX OF LACK OF PRODUCTION AND ITS RELATION WITH BUSH'S WARS OR WAR OF THE BUSH'S? WAR OF OBAMAS AND OSAMAS? IS A MEDIEVAL VIEW OF HOLLY WARS - A NEGATIVE BUOYANCY WAR OF FANCY OR A FANCY WAR - C'EST LA DROLE DE GUERRE

THE PARADOX OF OVER-PRODUCTION
AND ITS RELATION TO WAR

This so-called "paradox of over-production" which figures so largely in the loose discussions of the "post-war" period was in its essence a very simple affair indeed. 

Just as the inevitable end of a process of free competition was a consolidation of successful competitors and an arrest of enterprise, so the inevitable end of a search for profit in production was a steady reduction of costs through increased efficiency—that is to say, a steady decrease of the ratio of employment to output. 

These things lie so much on the surface of the process that it is almost incredible to us that, wilfully or not, our ancestors disregarded them. 


Equally inevitable was it that these necessary contractions of enterprise and employment should lead to an increase in the proportion of unemployable people. Geographical expansion and a rising standard of life among both the employed and possessing classes, together with the stimulating effect of a steady influx of gold, masked and tempered for half a century this squeezing-out of an increasing fraction of the species from its general economic life. There were nevertheless fluctuations, "cycles of trade" as they were called, when the clogging machinery threatened to stall and was then relieved and went on again. But by the opening of the twentieth century, the fact that the method of running human affairs as an open competition for profit, was in its nature a terminating method, was forcing itself upon the attention even of those who profited most by it and had the most excuse for disregarding it, and who, as a class, knew nothing of the Marxian analysis.
We know now that the primary task of world administration is to arrest this squeezing out of human beings from active economic life, by the continual extension of new collective enterprises, but such ideas had still to be broached at that time. The common folk, wiser in their instincts than the political economists in their intellectualism, were disposed to approve of waste and extravagance because money was "circulated" and workers "found employment". And the reader will not be able to understand the world-wide tolerance of growing armaments and war preparations during this period unless he realizes the immediate need inherent in the system for unremunerative public expenditure. Somewhere the energy economized had to come out. The world of private finance would not tolerate great rehousing, great educational and socially constructive enterprises, on the part of the relatively feeble governments of the time. All that had to be reserved for the profit accumulator. And so the ever-increasing productivity of the race found its vent in its ancient traditions of warfare, which admitted the withdrawal of a large proportion of the male population from employment for a year or so and secreted that vast accumulation of forts, battleships, guns, submarines, explosives, barracks and the like, which still amazes us. Without this cancer growth of armies and navies, the paradox of over-production latent in competitive private enterprise would probably have revealed itself in an overwhelming mass of unemployment before even the end of the nineteenth century. A social revolution might have occurred then.
Militarism, however, alleviated these revolutionary stresses, by providing vast profit-yielding channels of waste. And it also strengthened the forces of social repression. The means of destruction accumulated on a scale that well-nigh kept pace with the increase in the potential wealth of mankind. The progressive enslavement of the race to military tyranny was an inseparable aspect, therefore, of free competition for profits. The latter system conditioned and produced the former. It needed the former so as to have ballast to throw out to destruction and death whenever it began to sink. The militarist phase of the early twentieth century and the paradox of over-production are correlated facets of the same reality, the reality of the planless hypertrophy of the social body.